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The outcome of that fight, which would likely be played out in the once-a-decade reapportionment that follows the 2020 Census, could result in a political power shift from urban, largely Democratic strongholds to suburban and rural areas where Republicans typically hold sway. “It’s critical that the next redistricting cycle account for the citizen residents of districts so urban centers do not unfairly profit from the political subsidy that higher noncitizen populations provide,” said a statement by J. Christian Adams, president of the Public Interest Legal Foundation, a conservative voting rights group. If citizen-only population counts were applied to congressional districts in 2020, researchers have found it would cause Arizona, California, Florida and Texas, states with large immigrant populations, to collectively lose eight congressional seats. Former Attorney General Eric Holder has said it’s “contrary to the equal population requirement and the long-standing principle of one person-one vote” to draw political maps based on any criterion other than total population. Civil rights leaders, immigration advocates and big city mayors say a citizenship question would depress census among the nation’s immigrants, many of whom are reluctant to disclose their residency status amid the Trump administration's crackdown on illegal immigration. Advocates say a large undercount of immigrants would hurt the accuracy of the overall census and shortchange states, cities and local governments of population-based federal funding for everything from highways and housing to schools and health care. By law, the census tries to count every person in the U.S., including non-citizens, in order to redraw political districts — based on total population — for the 435 seats in the U.S. House of Representatives. But in a 2016 U.S. Supreme Court case, Evenwel v. Abbott , plaintiffs argued that states should be able to use the citizen-only population in determining state legislative districts. Although the high court ruled that political districts could be based on total population, including non-eligible voters, their decision left open the possibility that states could use other data to draw their electoral maps.
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